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Cyclical change continued /

Detalles Bibliográficos
Clasificación:Libro Electrónico
Otros Autores: Gelderen, Elly van (Editor )
Formato: Electrónico eBook
Idioma:Inglés
Publicado: Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, [2016]
Colección:Linguistik aktuell ; Bd. 227.
Temas:
Acceso en línea:Texto completo

MARC

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245 0 0 |a Cyclical change continued /  |c edited by Elly van Gelderen, Arizona State University. 
264 1 |a Amsterdam ;  |a Philadelphia :  |b John Benjamins Publishing Company,  |c [2016] 
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490 1 |a Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA),  |x 0166-0829 ;  |v volume 227 
504 |a Includes bibliographical references and index. 
588 0 |a Print version record and CIP data provided by publisher. 
505 0 |a Intro -- Cyclical Change Continued -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Cyclical Change Continued -- 1. What is the cycle? -- 2. Analytic and synthetic -- 3. Recent work and emerging questions -- 4. Contributions to the cycle in this volume -- 5. Conclusion and future directions -- Acknowledgements -- References -- What Cycles When and Why? -- 1. Routinization, phonological erosion, and semantic fading -- 2. Semantic generalization and abstraction -- 3. Pragmatic reinforcement -- 3.1 Distributive cycles -- 3.2 Pronominal cycles -- 3.3 Negative cycles -- 4. Contributions from contact -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Is radical analyticity normal? -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The problem -- 1.2 The proposal -- 1.3 Garden Path Number One: Radical analyticity -- 1.4 Garden Path Number Two: Cycles -- 2. West Africa -- 2.1 The languages, the problem -- 2.2 A solution? -- 2.3 Evidence, Part One: Language spread -- 2.4 Evidence, Part Two: -- 2.4.1 In syntax: Elimination of contextual rather than inherent morphology -- 2.4.2 In morphology: Grammatical simplification -- 2.4.3 In phonology: Monosyllabic template -- 2.5 Evidence Part Three: Distribution of Analyticity -- 2.5.1 Layers of analyticity -- 2.5.2 Analytic-lite: The Niger-Congo norm -- 2.5.2.1 Syntheticity increases incrementally westward of GYN. New Kwa. New Kwa differs from GYN is that as a group, it is about as analytic as English -- and in some cases vastly less so. Akan varieties retain a degree of concordial affixation within the n -- 2.5.2.2 Syntheticity increases incrementally eastward of GYN. Edoid. In the best-known representative of this group just eastward of Yoruboid and Nupoid, Edo has vestiges of noun class marking, with a singular-plural distinction in animates (Omoregbe & Ai. 
505 8 |a 2.5.2.3 Languages northward of GYN are more synthetic. Idoma. Noun class marking, with a singular/plural distinction, is reduced to one prefixal alternation, and verbal extensions are lost (Abraham 1951 -- Adejoh 2012). However, the language is inflected in -- 2.6 What happened to Niger-Congo? -- 2.6.1 From the inside out? -- 2.6.2 Niger-Congo analyticity as evidence of cycles of second-language acquisition -- 2.6.3 Cyclical second language acquisition: Parallels -- 2.7 Two questions, two answers -- 3. Analyticity in the Sinosphere -- 3.1 Rolling back the tape -- 3.2 Language groups rendered analytic by Chinese migration -- 3.3 Proto-Sino-Tibetan over Chinese -- 3.4 Old Chinese: Ordinarily transmitted grammar? -- 3.5 Reading the data -- 3.6 Historical possibilities -- 4. If radical analyticity is so unnatural, why haven't these languages become synthetic? -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- An analytic-synthetic spiral in the history of English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Terminology -- 3. Data -- 4. Method -- 5. The bird's eye perspective: The big merry-go-round -- 6. The jeweler's eye perspective -- 7. Discussion and Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- References -- The Interaction between the French Subject and Object Cycles -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Subject Cycle in general and in French -- 3. Changes in the third person subject pronoun -- 4. Changes in object pronouns -- 4.1 Acquisition -- 4.2 Three changes -- 5. The Object Cycle in general and in French -- 6. Account and puzzles -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- The Negative Existential Cycle viewed through the lens of comparative data -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Overview of the negative existential cycle -- 3. Application of the cycle on different kinds of samples -- 3.1 Graphic representation of the collected data. 
505 8 |a 3.2 Summary and discussion of the types instantiated in the world-wide sample and in the families -- 3.2.1 Cross-linguisitic frequency of the NEC types -- 3.2.2 Overlaps of types within the NEC -- 3.3 Recapitulation of this section -- 4. Summary of the findings on Slavonic, Polynesian and Uralic -- 5. Diachronic analysis of the comparative data from Berber, Turkic and Dravidian -- 5.1 Berber -- 5.2 Turkic -- 5.3 Dravidian -- 5.3.1 Tamil -- 5.3.2 Kannada -- 6. Summary and concluding discussion -- 6.1 The dominance and also frequent overlap of types with variation -- 6.2 The use of negative existentials in nominalized constructions -- 6.3 Other lexicalizations of negation into the NEC -- 6.4 The constant renewal of the negative existentials -- 6.5 Jespersen Cycle vs. the NEC -- Abbreviations -- Appendix -- References -- Jespersen Cycles in the Mayan, Quechuan and Maipurean languages -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Negation in the Americas -- 3. Negation in the Mayan languages -- 4. Negation in the Quechuan languages -- 5. Negation in the Maipurean languages -- 6. Conclusion -- Abbreviations -- References -- Mayan Negation Cycles -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The Mayan languages -- 3. Historical reconstruction -- 3.1 Greater K'iche'an -- 3.2 Greater Mamean -- 3.3 Eastern Mayan -- 4. Ch'olan -- 4.1 Greater Tzeltalan -- 5. Greater Q'anjob'alan -- 6. Central Mayan -- 7. Proto-Mayan -- 8. Conclusion -- 1. Extension -- 2. Division -- 3. Clitic addition -- References -- The diachrony of pronominal agreement -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Referential coherence in discourse -- 3. Demonstratives and definite articles -- 3.1 Demonstrative modifiers -- 3.2 Demonstratives as definite articles -- 3.3 Demonstratives as pronouns -- 4. Pronouns -- 4.1 Independent personal pronouns: Discontinuity and contrast -- 4.2 Clitic anaphoric pronouns vs. zero anaphora -- 4.2.1 Preliminaries. 
505 8 |a 4.2.2 Zero anaphora as default choice for referential continuity -- 4.3 Subject vs. object clitics: In search of a general principle -- 4.4 Pronominal agreement -- 4.5 Cliticization locus: 'Second-position clitics'? -- 5. Flexible word-order and referential coherence -- 6. Discussion -- References -- The Degree Cycle -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical background -- 2.1 Syntactic structure -- 2.2 Semantic categories -- 3. The CP Cycle and thus -- 3.1 Position of clausal thus -- 3.2 Reinforcement loss and renewal -- 4. Degree that and this -- 4.1 Background to this and that -- 4.2 Reanalysis of that: Possible paths -- 5. Degree adverb this (and thus) -- 6. Conclusion -- Sources -- References -- Modality and gradation -- 1. Introduction and background -- 2. Comparative temporality shifting to modality -- 2.1 Essentials of the trajectory: The temporal-based scale and facets of its erosion -- 2.1.1 English rather -- 2.1.2 German eher -- 2.2 Modal elements -- 2.2.1 Rather as a modal relator marking preferences in Present-day English -- 2.2.2 The modal flavors of eher -- 2.2.3 Further modal flavors in rather -- 3. More ordering and scalar structures operated on by eher and rather -- 3.1 Ordering -- 3.2 Modifying adjectives -- 4. More on how rather and eher spiraled twice -- 4.1 From temporal to modal: Why does 'rather' spiral to preference readings? -- 4.2 On the spiral to the modificational use -- and most specially, why it is one -- 4.3 Summary and outlook -- Acknowledgments -- References -- All you need is another 'Need' -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Dürfen and brauchen as modal verbs -- 2.1 Semantics -- 2.2 Morphosyntax -- 2.3 Interim summary -- 3. Bedürfen as a modal predicate -- 3.1 Semantics -- 3.2 Morphosyntax -- 3.3 Interim summary -- 4. The verbal NPI cycle -- 5. Conclusion -- Primary sources -- References -- Appendix. 
505 8 |a The Grammaticalization of Yao and the Future Cycle from Archaic Chinese to Modern Mandarin* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Yāo as a full verb in Archaic Chinese -- 3. Yào as a modal auxiliary in Ancient Chinese -- 3.1 Deontics and futures -- 3.2 Forming Auxiliary Modals from Full Verbs -- 3.2.1 AspP and MP -- 3.2.2 Late Merge and labeling -- 4. The syntactic structure of deontic and future Yào in Modern Chinese -- 4.1 The ambiguous status of Yào in Modern Chinese -- 4.2 Yào as the head of a mood phrase -- 4.3 Verbal renewal -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Author Index -- Subject and Language Index. 
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