Approaches to Hungarian. papers from the 2013 Piliscsaba Conference / Volume 14 :

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This volume of papers selected from the 11th International Conference on the Structure of Hungarian address current topics in Hungarian linguistics, focusing on their theoretical implications. The papers in syntax investigate the complement zone of nouns, the syntax of case assigning adpositions, sl...

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Detalles Bibliográficos
Clasificación:Libro Electrónico
Autor Corporativo: International Conference on the Structure of Hungarian Piliscsaba
Otros Autores: Kiss, Katalin É (Editor ), Surányi, Balázs (Editor ), Dékány, Éva (Editor )
Formato: Electrónico Congresos, conferencias eBook
Idioma:Inglés
Publicado: Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, [2015]
Colección:Approaches to Hungarian ; 14.
Temas:
Hungarian language > Grammar.
Hungarian language > Grammar > Congresses.
Hongrois (Langue) > Grammaire.
Hongrois (Langue) > Grammaire > Congrès.
FOREIGN LANGUAGE STUDY > Hungarian.
Hungarian language > Grammar
Conference papers and proceedings
Acceso en línea:Texto completo
Tabla de Contenidos:
  • Approaches to Hungarian
  • Editorial page
  • Title page
  • LCC data
  • Table of contents
  • Introduction
  • Arguments for arguments in the complement zone of the Hungarian nominal head
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Approaches to N-complements
  • 2.1 The Argument (Inheritance) Principle
  • 2.2 The complement zone of N in Hungarian: Is there any at all?
  • 2.3 Constituency tests in Hungarian
  • 2.4 When the "ill-formed" is quite well-formed (according to the literature)
  • 3. Further potential tests concerning the constituent status of noun phrases with a non-empty complement zone
  • 3.1 Right periphery
  • 3.2 Noun phrases in short answers
  • 3.3 Noun phrases used as titles
  • 3.4 Answers without Focus
  • 4. Factors tending to influence the judgments of noun phrases with non-empty complement zones
  • 4.1 The weight of the case-marking suffix on the N head
  • 4.2 Phonetic balance
  • 5. Another argument in favor of Approach III
  • 6. Head-Final effects in Hungarian and in other languages (or the strange algebra of prosody, in which 1+2=1+3, 1+2≠2+1, and 1+1=1)
  • 7. Summary and loose ends
  • References
  • Inverse agreement and Hungarian verb paradigms
  • 1. Introduction: An agreement puzzle
  • 2. Inverse agreement in Hungarian
  • 2.1 The notion of inverse agreement
  • 2.2 É. Kiss on inverse agreement
  • 2.3 A closer look at agreement patterns
  • 2.4 Interim summary
  • 3. Object agreement and inverse configurations
  • 3.1 The nature of person features
  • 3.2 Inverse vs. non-inverse cases
  • 4. Analysis: Deriving the correct paradigm
  • 4.1 The role of object agreement
  • 4.2 A problem: 3 → 3.D agreement
  • 4.3 Deriving the agreement patterns
  • 4.3.1 A brief note on plurals
  • 4.3.2 Potential problems?
  • 4.4 What the present analysis can and cannot do
  • 4.4.1 Agreement in person
  • 4.4.2 A note on morphology.
  • 4.4.3 Are first and second person different from third person?
  • 4.5 Interim summary
  • 5. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
  • Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak?
  • 1. Introduction
  • 1.2 Pre-sonorant voicing
  • 1.2 Jansen's (2004) phonetically-based approach
  • 1.3 Voicing assimilation in Hungarian and Slovak
  • 2. Experiments
  • 2.1 Speakers
  • 2.2 Material
  • 2.3 Method
  • 2.4 Measurements
  • 2.5 Statistical analysis
  • 3. Results
  • 3.1 Utterance-final position
  • 3.2 Word-medial intervocalic position
  • 3.3 Word-final obstruents before /p/
  • 3.4 Word-final obstruents before /b/
  • 3.5 Pre-sonorant position
  • 4. Discussion
  • 5. Conclusion
  • References
  • Appendix: Test sentences
  • Test sentences for Hungarian
  • Test sentences for Slovak
  • Word order variation in Hungarian PPs
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Variation in word order
  • 2.1 Variation in PP-internal word order
  • 2.2 Variation in positions in the clause
  • 2.3 Interim summary
  • 3. Analysis
  • 3.1 Background assumptions about PP structure
  • 3.2 Case-like Ps
  • 3.3 'Inflexible' case assigning Ps
  • 3.4 'Flexible' case assigning Ps that cannot be prepositions
  • 3.5 'Flexible' case assigning Ps that can be prepositions
  • 4. Variation in complementation
  • 5. Conclusions
  • References
  • The morphosyntax of (in)alienably possessed noun phrases
  • 1. Predication: Asymmetry and non-directionality
  • 2. The syntax underlying alienably and inalienably possessed noun phrases
  • 3. The morphological marking of alienably and inalienably possessed noun phrases
  • 3.1 Hungarian
  • 3.2 A broader perspective
  • 3.3 Back to Hungarian
  • 4. The morphosyntax of (in)alienable possession fleshed out
  • 5. In closing: The special case of Hungarian kinship terms
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
  • Abstractness or complexity?
  • 1. Introduction.
  • 2. The phonology of Hungarian /aː/
  • alternations and feature composition
  • 3. The phonetic pattern of Hungarian /aː/
  • back or front?
  • 4. Method, material, and subjects
  • 5. Results
  • 6. Discussion
  • 7. Conclusions
  • References
  • Free Choice and Aspect in Hungarian
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The problem: FCIs and Aspect
  • 3. FCIs cross-linguistically, theoretical background
  • 4. Morphology of FCIs in Hungarian
  • 5. Licensing environments of FCIs in Hungarian
  • 6. Semantics of FCIs in Hungarian, FCIs and Focus in Hungarian
  • 7. The problem and first approaches
  • 8. Formal semantics of FCIs
  • 9. The formal semantics of generics
  • 9.1 Excursus: HAB vs. GEN
  • 9.2 Excursus: Individual-level predicates vs. stage-level predicates
  • 10. Verbal particles as quantifiers
  • 11. Generics and FCIs in Hungarian
  • 12. Pragmatic factors of genericity in Hungarian
  • 13. Genericity: Syntax/semantics or pragmatics?
  • 14. Genericity in Hungarian: A matter of pragmatics?
  • 15. The licensing of FCIs by verbal particles
  • 16. Main conclusions
  • Relative pronouns as sluicing remnants
  • 1. Introduction: Restrictions on sluicing
  • 2. Relative sluicing: Novel data from Hungarian
  • 3. Evidence for ellipsis
  • 3.1 Syntactic distribution
  • 3.2 Non-adjacency
  • 3.3 Distributive readings
  • 3.4 Traits of antecedent contained deletion
  • 4. The licensing of relative sluicing
  • 4.1 Syntactic licensing
  • 4.2 Prosodic licensing
  • 5. Summary
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
  • The Predicationality Hypothesis
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The problem
  • 3. Main claims
  • Theoretical framework
  • 4. Syntax and discourse-semantics of CPPI in Hungarian
  • 4.1 The Predicationality Hypothesis
  • 4.2 On the categorical status of the cataphoric propositional pronouns
  • 5. Syntax and discourse semantics of CPPI in German.
  • 5.1 Non-predicationality as an EF-correlate in German
  • Problems
  • 5.2 On the notion of evaluability
  • 5.3 Non-predicationality as an EF-correlate in German
  • Solutions
  • 6. On the typology of propositional pronouns
  • 7. Conclusions
  • References
  • Psych verbs, anaphors and the configurationality issue in Hungarian
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Two classes of stative psych verbs in Hungarian: An overview
  • 2.1 Dative experiencers
  • 2.2 Stative object experiencers
  • 2.3 Dative and object experiencers in the Theta System
  • 3. Anaphoric binding and stative psych verbs in Hungarian
  • 3.1 Coargument anaphora
  • 3.2 Further evidence for the free base generation analysis
  • 4. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgement
  • References
  • Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The Functional Load Hypothesis and Prominence in Hungarian
  • 2.1 The Functional Load Hypothesis and Prominence
  • 2.2 Previous studies of Hungarian Prominence and Duration
  • 3. Methodology
  • 3.1 Subjects
  • 3.2 Procedure
  • 3.3 Stimuli
  • 3.4 Carrier dialogues
  • 3.5 Analysis
  • 4. Results
  • 4.1 Binary Logistic Regression Analysis
  • 4.2 Descriptive results
  • 5. Discussion
  • 5.1 Hungarian and the FLH
  • 5.2 Relation to previous studies
  • 6. Conclusions
  • References
  • Appendix: Hungarian Stimuli
  • Index.

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