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Endocentric structuring of projection-free syntax /
Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free Syntax puts forward a novel theory of syntax that rigidly adheres to the principle of Minimal Computation, in which a number of traditional but extraneous stipulations such as referential indices and representational labels/projections are eliminated. It sp...
| Clasificación: | Libro Electrónico |
|---|---|
| Autor principal: | |
| Formato: | Electrónico eBook |
| Idioma: | Inglés |
| Publicado: |
Amsterdam ; Philadelphia :
John Benjamins Publishing Company,
[2014]
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| Colección: | Linguistik aktuell ;
Bd. 218. |
| Temas: | |
| Acceso en línea: | Texto completo |
Tabla de Contenidos:
- Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free Syntax; Editorial page; Title page; LCC data; Table of contents; List of abbreviations; Acknowledgments; 1. Preface; 2. Bare phrase structure and cyclic derivation by phase, in light of Minimal Computation ; 2.1 Introduction ; 2.2 Towards fuller exploration of bare phrase structure ; 2.2.1 Disentangling compositional structure, labeling, and linear order ; 2.2.2 Merge, inclusiveness, and the no-tampering condition ; 2.2.3 Restricting the generative capacity ; 2.3 Transfer: Compounding Interpret and Spell-Out.
- 2.4 Copy-identification and derivational simultaneity 2.4.1 The bifurcation of external and internal merge ; 2.4.2 Derivational simultaneity of Value/Agree and Transfer ; 2.5 Defining phases ; 2.5.1 The edge and interior of phases ; 2.5.2 Phase convergence redux ; 2.5.3 Rationale for unvalued/uninterpretable features ; 2.6 Eliminating the Merge-over-Move stipulation along with numeration and lexical (sub- )arrays ; 2.7 Copy-identification as part of Transfer ; 2.8 Head-movement in bare phrase structure ; 2.9 Concluding remarks ; 3. Minimal head detection in projection-free syntax.
- 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Label = projection = endocentricity? ; 3.3 Why endocentricity? ; 3.4 The Endocentric Structuring Constraint (ESC) ; 3.4.1 Excluding exocentric "XP-YP" merger ; 3.4.2 Internal merge and endocentricity ; 3.4.2.1 No XP-YP Internal Merger ; 3.4.2.2 A-movement and K(ase) ; 3.4.2.3 A -movement: Extending Cable's eliminative approach to pied-piping ; 3.4.2.4 Eliminating the EPP-feature ; 3.4.2.5 Approximating the duality of semantics ; 3.5 The ESC and the typology of movement ; 3.5.1 Deriving the complementarity of phrasal vs. head-movement ; 3.5.2 On the phasehood of vP.
- 3.6 The ESC and the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED) 3.6.1 Freezing effects ; 3.6.2 *{t, t} ; 3.6.3 Subject condition effects and beyond ; 3.6.4 Adjunct condition effects and beyond ; 3.6.5 The Phrasal Sister Condition ; 3.6.6 Locality beyond lexicalism and barrierhood ; 3.7 Further consequences on the problem of learnability ; 3.8 Concluding remarks ; 4. Cyclic Spell-Out of projection-free syntax ; 4.1 Introduction ; 4.2 Eradicating the LCA from the ESC ; 4.2.1 Uriagereka's LCA-based ESC ; 4.2.2 The irrelevance of the LCA to the CED effect.
- 4.2.3 Sheehan's projection-based resuscitation of Uriagereka's LCA 4.2.4 Conclusion: The LCA has no place in projection-free syntax ; 4.3 Eradicating antisymmetry from the ESC ; 4.3.1 Independence of antisymmetry and the LCA ; 4.3.2 Kayne's (2011) LCA-free but still antisymmetric ESC ; 4.3.3 Antisymmetry and cartography in the pursuit of biological adequacy ; 4.4 MHD-based linearization of endocentric structuring ; 4.5 Concluding remarks ; 5. Full Interpretation all the way through ; 5.1 Introduction ; 5.2 Endocentricity as an interface phenomenon.