Tabla de Contenidos:
  • Prologue
  • Chapter 1: Ellipsis and focus: An introduction
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The derivational model
  • 3. The syntax-semantics interface
  • 3.1. The cyclic derivation of surface semantic interpretation
  • 3.2. The double-cycle information structure hypothesis
  • 3.3. Information focus and contrastive focus: A derivational approach
  • 4. The hybrid focus analysis of ellipsis
  • 5. Conclusion
  • 6. Distinguishing sentence-bound and discourse-bound ellipsis: A preview
  • Chapter 2: Ellipsis at the interfaces: A proposal
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Deletion vs. deaccentuation2.1. Previous accounts
  • 2.2. The parallel computation account
  • 3. The pragmatics-PF interface
  • 3.1. Anaphoricity and the traditional notion of givenness
  • 3.2. Schwarzschildâ€?s proposal: The notion of GIVENness
  • 3.3. Objections
  • 3.4. E-GIVENness and VP-/IP-ellipsis
  • 3.5. Contrastivity and VP-ellipsis
  • 4. The syntax-phonology interface
  • 4.1. The derivation of intonation by phase
  • 4.2. The derivation of ellipsis by phase
  • 5. Conclusion
  • Chapter 3: VP-anaphora and ellipsis of VP in English and German
  • 1. Introduction1.1. In search of VP -ellipsis in German
  • 1.2. Roadmap
  • 2. The representation of ellipsis
  • 2.1. The proform hypothesis vs. the PF-deletion hypothesis
  • 2.2. VP-ellipsis: Arguments for an empty proform account
  • 2.3. German VPA patterns with English VPE
  • 2.4. Evidence from English for the derivational account of VPE
  • 3. German auch-ellipsis
  • 3.1. Ellipsis of VP in German
  • 3.2. Auch-ellipsis is a case of contrastive remnant ellipsis or stripping
  • 3.3. A sideward movement account of contrastive remnant ellipsis
  • 3.4. Contrastive remnant ellipsis and the syntax-phonology interface4. Conclusion
  • Chapter 4: Gapping: A sideward movement account
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The syntax of gapping
  • 2.1. Deletion vs. ATB-movement accounts
  • 2.2. The proposal: Gapping as sideward movement of vP
  • 3. Evidence for the sideward movement account
  • 3.1. The information structure of gapping: Paired contrastive remnants
  • 3.2. Scope facts as evidence for vP coordination
  • 3.3. Intonational evidence for vP coordination
  • 3.4. Evidence for an Aâ€?-position in vP
  • Chapter 5: Conclusion and final remarks1. The informational structural proposal for ellipsis
  • 2. Challenges for further research
  • 3. Closing remark: Or a note on Wittgensteinâ€?s problem
  • Notes
  • References
  • Subject Index
  • Author Index